DAILY CURRENT AFFAIRS IAS | UPSC Prelims and Mains Exam – 1st August 2022
Archives (PRELIMS & MAINS Focus) Space Liability Convention of 1972 Open in new window Syllabus Prelims – Science & Technology Mains – GS 3 (Science & Technology) In News: The debris from a large Chinese rocket – the Long March 5B — crashed to earth over the Pacific and the Indian oceans. As the 22-tonne core stage of the rocket hurtled uncontrollably back to earth, there were fears that it might hit a populated area. What is an uncontrolled re-entry? Generally, the core or first stage of a rocket is made up of heavy pieces that usually don’t reach orbit after liftoff, and fall back safely along a near-precise projected trajectory. If they do enter an orbit, then a costly de-orbit manoeuvre is required for a steered, controlled return using engine burn. Without a de-orbit manoeuvre, the orbital core stage makes an uncontrolled fall. Gigantic remnants from China’s Long March 5B rockets’ core stage are known to make such fiery, out-of-control descents back to earth. The reason is a difference in the mission sequence where the core stage reaches orbit, and then crashes back. Most nations’ rockets separate the launcher from the payload before leaving the atmosphere. An extra engine then gives the payload a final boost. But China’s 5B series does not use a second engine and pushes right into orbit Previous incidents In May 2020, Long March 5B debris had apparently fallen in Ivory Coast; and a year later in May 2021, remains of a Chinese rocket had dived uncontrolled into the Indian Ocean near Maldives. Why is it difficult to track uncontrolled descents? The variables involved make it difficult to precisely track the re-entry time and drop zone of rocket debris in uncontrolled descents. The factors that make this prediction extremely challenging include atmospheric drag, variations in solar activity, angle and rotational variation of the object among others. A miscalculation of even a minute in re-entry time could result in the final resting place of the debris changing by hundreds of kilometres. Are there laws regulating space junk? The Space Liability Convention of 1972 defines responsibility in case a space object causes harm. The treaty says that a launching State shall be absolutely liable to pay compensation for damage caused by its space objects on the surface of the earth or to aircraft, and liable for damage due to its faults in space. The Convention also provides for procedures for the settlement of claims for damages. However, there is no law against space junk crashing back to earth. In April this year, suspected debris from a Chinese rocket was found in two Maharashtra villages. In 1979, re-entry of NASA’s 76-ton Skylab had scattered debris over uninhabited parts of Australia, and the space agency was fined $400 for littering by a local government. The only settlement using the Liability Convention was between the erstwhile Soviet Union and Canada over debris of Soviet Cosmos 954 falling in a barren region. Canada was paid CAD 3 million in accordance with international law for cleaning up the mess Source: Indian Express Previous Year Question Q.1) With reference to the Indian Regional Navigation Satellite System (IRNSS), consider the following statements: (2018) IRNSS has three satellites in geostationary and four satellites in geosynchronous orbits. IRNSS covers entire India and about 5500 sq. km beyond its borders. India will have its own satellite navigation system with full global coverage by the middle of 2019. Which of the statements given above is/are correct? 1 only 1 and 2 only 2 and 3 only None Q.2) Which one of the following statements best reflects the idea behind the “Fractional Orbital Bombardment System” often talked about in media? (2022) A hypersonic missile is launched into space to counter the asteroid approaching the Earth and explode it in space. A spacecraft lands on another planet after making several orbital motions. A missile is put into a stable orbit around the Earth and deorbits over a target on the Earth. A spacecraft moves along a comet with the same surface. speed and places a probe on its Electoral bonds Open in new window Syllabus Prelims – Polity – Current Affairs Mains – GS 2 (Polity & Governance) In News: Donations to political parties through electoral bonds (EBs) have crossed the Rs 10,000-crore mark, with parties getting another Rs 389.5 crore through such bonds in the 21st sale of EBs conducted between July 1 and 10. With this, the total amount collected by parties has gone up to Rs 10,246 crore from various anonymous donors in 21 phases since 2018 when the EB scheme was introduced. As per the provisions of the EB Scheme, only the political parties registered under Section 29A of the Representation of the People Act, 1951 and have secured not less than 1 per cent of the votes polled in the last general election to the House of the People or the Legislative Assembly, as the case may be, are eligible to receive electoral bonds. Electoral Bond Electoral Bond is a financial instrument for making donations to political parties. These bonds are issued in multiples of Rs. 1,000, Rs. 10,000, Rs. 1 lakh, Rs. 10 lakh and Rs. 1 crore without any maximum limit. State Bank of India is authorised to issue and encash these bonds, which are valid for fifteen days from the date of issuance. These bonds are only redeemable in the designated account of a registered political party. The bonds are available for purchase by any citizen of India for a period of ten days each in the months of January, April, July and October as may be specified by the Central Government. A person being an individual can buy bonds, either singly or jointly with other individuals. The donor’s name is not mentioned on the bond. Donors who contribute less than Rs. 20,000 to political parties through purchase of electoral bonds need not provide their identity details such as PAN, etc. The central idea behind the electoral bonds scheme was to bring about transparency in electoral funding in India. Source: Indian Express CoWin App Open in new window Syllabus Prelims – Current Affairs In News: After the success of the Co-WIN platform, the government is looking to repurpose the technology for various healthcare cases. CoWIN is currently being repurposed for the universal immunisation program (UIP). It will bring the ease of discovery of vaccination centres/camps and reminders for subsequent vaccinations for preventable diseases for mothers. The addition of digitally verifiable certificates for routine immunisation would be the first of its kind globally and a great way to start building longitudinal health records for a child right from its birth. In addition to immunisation, the platform would also be considered for the use-cases of blood donation and organ donation in the months to come. Co-WIN App (Covid Vaccine Intelligence Network) The technology has been integral to India’s fight against COVID-19 and the CoWIN platform was developed in no time, leveraging experience in developing and implementing large scale applications such as Aadhaar, UPI, GST, etc Co-WIN, a cloud-based IT platform, is supposed to handle minute details for India’s Covid-19 immunisation programme, including registering beneficiaries, allocating vaccination centres, sending text messages with name of their vaccinator to beneficiaries and live monitoring of vials in cold storage. The Co-WIN platform is owned by the Ministry of Health and Family Welfare and was earlier the platform used for conducting Pulse Polio and other crucial immunisation programmes across the country. The same platform has been expanded for distribute Covid-19 vaccines and the Ministry of Electronics and IT along with the National Informatics Centre are handling the backend and the tech infrastructure for it. Functions Monitoring and tracking – It enables monitoring the inoculation drive and tracking the listed beneficiaries for vaccination on a real-time basis. Thus, it also helps to counter proxy vaccinations. Source: The Hindu Previous Year Question Q.1) Consider the following: (2022) Aarogya Setu COWIN DigiLocker DIKSHA Which of the above are built on top of open-source digital platforms? 1 and 2 only 2, 3 and 4 only 1, 3 and 4 only 1, 2, 3 and 4 India’s ‘wheat waiver’ WTO demand is risk-fraught Open in new window Syllabus Prelims – Current Affairs (International Relations) Mains – GS 3 (Economy – Agriculture) Context: One of the cardinal demands of India in the World Trade Organization (WTO) — and rightly so — has been to find a permanent solution to the issue of public stockholding (PSH) of food to protect India’s food security (PSH policy). What it is all about? India’s PSH policy is based on procuring food from farmers at an administered price (MSP), which is generally higher than the market price. The PSH policy serves the twin objectives of Offering remunerative prices to farmers and Providing subsidised food to the underprivileged. WTO law Such price support-based procurement from farmers is counted as a trade-distorting subsidy, and if given beyond the permissible limit, breaches WTO law. Currently, India has temporary relief due to a ‘peace clause’ which bars countries from bringing legal challenges against price support-based procurement for food security purposes. However, a permanent solution to this issue is still not in the offing. Recent WTO ministerial meeting The WTO ministerial meeting in June at Geneva did precious little to address this issue. The declaration on food security adopted at the Geneva ministerial states that “we recognize that adequate food stocks can contribute to the realization of Members’ domestic food security objectives and encourage Members with available surplus stocks to release them on international markets consistently with WTO rules.” India’s concern is that it should have the policy space to hold public food stocks using the MSP, which is a price support instrument. However, there is no mention of price support in the Geneva declaration. New dimension India’s demand for a permanent solution to the PSH policy has acquired a new dimension. India insists that it should also be allowed to export food, most notably wheat, from the pool of the foodgrain procured under the MSP. This demand was recently re-articulated by Finance Minister at the G20 meeting in Indonesia. The Russia-Ukraine war has unleashed a food crisis in many countries. India perhaps wishes to capitalise on this opportunity. However, WTO law proscribes countries from exporting foodgrain procured at subsidised prices. There is a sound economic rationale behind it. Allowing a country to export foodgrain procured at subsidised prices would give that country an unfair advantage in global agricultural trade. As per the WTO Agreement, waivers can be adopted only in “exceptional circumstances”. Thus, the possibility of it recognising an ongoing war between two nations as an “exceptional circumstance” to adopt a waiver for permitting wheat exports from public stocks is profoundly remote. What the focus should be? India should revisit its stand on asking for a waiver for wheat exports from its public stockholding, which, in any case, was not a part of India’s PSH policy. The Government’s wheat procurement has been 57.5% less than the original target for this season. So, if the public procurement has been so low, there is no point in asking for a waiver to export wheat from the public stock. Spending scarce negotiating capital on this issue might dilute India’s core agenda of pushing for a permanent solution for its PSH programme to attain the goal of food security and providing remunerative prices to the farmers. The laudable objective of helping countries facing food crises can be accomplished by strengthening India’s commitment to the United Nations World Food Programme. If the domestic situation ameliorates, India can lift the ban imposed on private traders to export wheat. Negotiations at the WTO require crystal clarity of the core objectives that should be relentlessly pursued. Adding newer objectives and shifting goalposts might result in falling between two stools. Peace Clause Peace clause refers to article 13 of the Agreement on Agriculture of the World Trade Organisation. According to this clause, export subsidies and support measures, given by a WTO member to its producers, that are considered legal under the Agreement on Agriculture cannot be challenged as being illegal under other WTO agreements. The original peace clause expired in 2004. In the 2013 Bali Conference, another temporary clause of this kind was put in place. Source: The Hindu Previous Year Question Q.1) Consider the following statements: (2017) India has ratified the Trade Facilitation Agreement (TFA) of WTO. TFA is a part of WTO’s Bali Ministerial Package of 2013. TFA came into force in January 2016. Which of the statements given above is/are correct? 1 and 2 only 1 and 3 only 2 and 3 only 1, 2 and 3 The need for a distinction between blasphemy and hate speech Open in new window Syllabus Mains – GS 1 (Society); GS 2 (Polity) What is Blasphemy and Hate Speech? Blasphemy is the act of insulting or showing contempt or lack of reverence for God. Hate Speech is an abusive or threatening speech or writing that expresses prejudice against a particular group or an individual, especially on the basis of race, religion, or sexual orientation. Laws in India Section 295 (A) of IPC As far as laws in India go, there isn’t formal legislation against blasphemy. The closest equivalent to a blasphemy law is Section 295(A) of the Indian Penal Code (IPC), which punishes any speech, writings, or signs that with premeditated and malicious intent insult citizens’ religion or religious beliefs with a fine and imprisonment for up to three years. The legality of Section 295(A), which had been challenged in the Ramji Lal Modi case (1957), was affirmed by a five-judge Bench of the Supreme Court. The apex court reasoned that while Article 19(2) allows reasonable limits on freedom of speech and expression for the sake of public order, the punishment under Section 295(A) deals with aggravated form of blasphemy which is committed with the malicious aim of offending the religious sensibilities of any class. How has the legislation been interpreted? In the case of Superintendent, Central Prison, Fatehgarh vs Ram Manohar Lohia the Supreme Court stated that the link between the speech spoken and any public disorder caused as a result of it should have a close relationship for retrieving Section 295(A) of IPC. By 2011, it concluded that only speech that amounts to “incitement to impending unlawful action” can be punished. That is, the state must meet a very high bar before using public disturbance as a justification for suppressing expression. Should there be a difference between blasphemy laws and hate speech laws? The wording of Section 295(A) is considerably too wide. The Supreme Court has said on several occasions that perhaps the goal of hate speech statutes in Section 295(A) is to prevent prejudice and ensure equality. Unfortunately, there is a huge disparity between this interpretation and the actual wording due to which the law is still being exploited at all levels of administration. Are hate speech cases rising? As per the data given by the National Crime Records Bureau (NCRB), there has been a huge increase in cases registered promoting hate speech and fostering animosity in society. The data reads that while there were only 323 cases registered in 2014, it had increased to 1,804 cases in 2020. This is because section 295(A) is now usually used to penalise religious dissent, satire, and any comedic content with religious references. Many cases show how regulations don’t draw a line between criticism and premeditated hate speech. Failing to articulate these distinctions diminishes fair use of the Section and makes it more difficult to define and penalise the actual crime of hate speech. Source: The Hindu Bringing Eurasia closer Open in new window Syllabus Prelims – Geography – Current Affairs Mains – GS 2 (International Relations); GS 3 (Economy – Trade, Connectivity etc) In News: Recently, International North South Transport Corridor (INSTC) was launched. Last week, RailFreight.Com reported that two 40-ft containers of wood laminate sheets crossed the Caspian Sea from Russia’s Astrakhan port, entered Iran’s Anzali port, continued their southward journey towards the Arabian Sea, entered the waters at Bandar Abbas and eventually reach Nhava Shiva port in Mumbai. The journey signalled the launch of the International North South Transport Corridor (INSTC), a 7,200-km multi-modal transport corridor that combines road, rail and maritime routes connecting Russia and India via central Asia and Iran. INSTC The legal framework for the INSTC is provided by a trilateral agreement signed by India, Iran and Russia at the Euro-Asian Conference on Transport in 2000. Since then Kazakhstan, Belarus, Oman, Tajikistan, Azerbaijan, Armenia and Syria have signed instruments of accession to become members of the INSTC. Once fully operational, the INSTC is expected to reduce freight costs by 30% and journey time by 40% in comparison with the conventional deep sea route via the Suez Canal. Indeed, the need for an alternative route was deeply felt last year, when the Ever Given container ship was stuck in the Suez, halting maritime traffic between the Mediterranean Sea and the Red Sea. India’s investment in the INSTC is exemplified by its involvement in Iran’s Chabahar port and the construction of a 500-km Chabahar-Zahedan railway line. Once completed, this infrastructure will allow India access to Afghanistan and central Asia, a prospect strengthened by the Taliban government’s support for the project. A special economic zone around Chabahar will offer Indian companies the opportunity to set up a range of industries. Lines of credit will be extended to Iran by Exim Bank. The INSTC, thus, provides an opportunity for the internationalisation of India’s infrastructural state, with state-run businesses taking the lead and paving the way for private companies. Significance – Non-alignment to multi-alignment For India, the INSTC achieves several things all at once. Firstly, India can now bypass Pakistan to access Afghanistan, central Asia and beyond. Second, the INSTC can shape a north-south transport corridor that can complement the east-west axis of the China-led Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). India’s founding role in both the INSTC and the Quad exemplify its departure from non-alignment to multi-alignment. The INSTC offers a platform for India to closely collaborate with Russia, Iran and Central Asian republics. That two of its partners are subject to Western sanctions hasn’t prevented India from collaborating with the U.S., Japan and Australia as part of the Quad to create and safeguard a free and open Indo-Pacific. Indian policymaking in international affairs has often been criticised for its moral indecisiveness, diplomatic reticence and ideological confusion. These critics have failed to observe the subtle shifts in Indian foreign policy from non-alignment to multi-alignment. As a transcontinental multi-modal corridor that aims to bring Eurasia closer together, the INSTC is a laudable initiative in its own right. That it helps India consolidate its multi-alignment strategy sweetens the deal. Source: The Hindu Previous Year Question Q.1) What is the importance of developing Chabahar Port by India? (2017) India’s trade with African countries will enormously increase. India’s relations with oil-producing Arab countries will be strengthened. India will not depend on Pakistan for access to Afghanistan and Central Asia. Pakistan will facilitate and protect the installation of a gas pipeline between Iraq and India. PM and President’s photos in govt ads Open in new window Syllabus Mains – GS 2 (Polity & Governance) In News: The on Madras High Court directed the Tamil Nadu government to include the photographs of the President of India and Prime Minister in advertisements on the 44th Chess Olympiad underway in Chennai. The HC relied on a 2015 Supreme Court ruling that issued guidelines on government spending on advertisements. What was the 2015 ruling? In Common Cause v Union of India, the SC sought to regulate the way the government spends on advertisements. It essentially regulated the 2007 New Advertisement Policy of the Government of India. The petitioners had argued that there is arbitrary spending on advertisements by the government. The allegations ranged from wastage of public money for political mileage to using advertisements as a tool to manipulate media. The court ruled that Since the primary cause of government advertisement is to use public funds to inform the public of their rights, obligations, and entitlements as well as to explain Government policies, programs, services and initiatives, however, when these requisites are not fulfilled in a government advertisement then the whole purpose would be frustrated Patronization of any particular media house(s) must be avoided and award of advertisements must be on an equal basis to all newspapers who may, however, be categorized depending upon their circulation. The DAVP (Directorate of Advertising and Visual Publicity) guidelines do not deal with the said aspect of the matter and hence the necessity of incorporating the same in the present directions to ensure the independence, impartiality and the neutrality of the fourth estate which is vital to the growth and sustenance of democracy will have to be weighed and considered by us The bench also had set up a committee to suggest a better policy. What did the committee suggest? The three-member committee — comprising Prof N R Madhava Menon, T K Viswanathan, and senior advocate Ranjit Kumar — suggested a fresh policy — the Government Advertisements (Content Regulation) Guidelines 2014 with five broad principles: Advertising campaigns are to be related to government responsibilities Materials should be presented in an objective, fair manner and designed to meet objectives of the campaign Advertisements must not directed at promoting political interests of a party campaigns must be justified and undertaken in a cost-effective manner Advertisements must comply with legal requirements and financial regulations What did the Supreme Court rule? It largely accepted the committee report except on a few issues. The ruling mandated that government advertisements will not contain a political party’s symbol, logo or flag and are required to be politically neutral and must refrain from glorifying political personalities. What about photographs in advertisements? The SC agreed with the committee’s suggestion that photographs of leaders should be avoided and only the photographs of the President/ Prime Minister or Governor/ Chief Minister shall be used for effective government messaging. Then Attorney General Mukul Rohatgi had opposed the recommendation arguing that if the PM’s photograph is allowed in the advertisement, then the same right should be available to his cabinet colleagues as the PM is the “first among the equals”. The court, while restricting the recommendation to the photos of the President and Prime Minister, added the photograph of the Chief Justice of India to that list of exceptions. In 2018, the Centre and some states sought a review of the verdict on the ground that not permitting the publication of the CM’s photograph would violate the federal structure. An SC Bench relaxed the bar, allowing pictures of Union ministers, Chief Ministers, Governors and State ministers in government advertisements. What are the takeaways from the SC ruling? The SC ruling did not mandate publication of the photograph of the PM and President, but only restricts publication of photos of government officials other than the President, PM, CJI, CM and the Governor. Source: Indian Express India’s unique jobs crisis Open in new window Syllabus Mains – GS 3 (Employment) Context: India is currently facing a unique job crisis because, while fewer people are employed in agriculture today, the transformation has been slow. Stats Between 1993-94 and 2018-19, agriculture’s share in India’s workforce came down from 61.9% to 41.4%, roughly a third in 25 years. Given its level of per capita GDP in 2018 – and comparing with the average for other countries in the same income bracket – India’s farm sector should be employing 33-34% of the total workforce. 4% may not be a substantial deviation from the average. Weak structural transformation There’s been a reversal of the trend in the last two years, which has seen the share of those employed in farms rise to 44-45%. This has primarily to do with the Covid-induced economic disruptions. Even the movement of workforce from agriculture that India has witnessed over the past three decades or more does not qualify as what economists call “structural transformation”. Such transformation would involve the transfer of labour from farming to sectors –manufacturing and modern services – where productivity, value-addition and average incomes are higher. The share of manufacturing (and mining) in total employment has actually fallen along with that of agriculture. The surplus labour pulled out from the farms is being largely absorbed in construction and services. While the services sector does include relatively well-paying industries — such as information technology, business process outsourcing, telecommunications, finance, healthcare, education and public administration — the bulk of the jobs in this case are in petty retailing, small eateries, domestic help, sanitation, security staffing, transport and similar other informal economic activities. Simply put, the structural transformation process in India has been weak and deficient. The surplus labour isn’t moving to higher value-added non-farm activities, specifically manufacturing and modern services (the familiar ‘Kuznets Process’ named after the American economist and 1971 Nobel Memorial Prize winner, Simon Kuznets). Instead, the labour transfer is happening within the low-productivity informal economy. The jobs that are getting generated outside agriculture are mostly in low-paid services and construction; the latter’s share in employment has even overtaken that of manufacturing. Weak structural transformation and persistence of informality also explains the tendency, especially by rural families, for pursuing multiple livelihoods. Many of them cling on to their small plots of lands, even while earning incomes wholly or predominantly from non-farm sources. A picture in contrast IT industry adding jobs: The IT industry is clearly an isolated island of the Indian economy that added jobs during the pandemic and is continuing to do so. The five companies (Tata Consultancy Services, Infosys, Wipro, HCL Technologies and Tech Mahindra) have more employees than the 12.5 lakh and 14.1 lakh currently on the rolls of the Indian Railways and the three defense services, respectively. Much of the IT sector’s recent success is courtesy of exports. These have, in fact, boomed due to Covid’s triggering increased demand for digitisation even among businesses that were hitherto slow in adoption. India’s net exports of software services have surged from $84.64 billion in 2019-20 to $109.54 billion in 2021-22. India’s unique job crisis The manufacturing sector is potentially best placed to absorb agricultural labourers. However, there is a lack of jobs in the manufacturing sector. The more educated are not qualified to be programmers or develop software programs which are essential for the IT industry. They aim to join the armed forces or to sit for the Railway Recruitment Board’s exams. However, there is not much recruitment in these sectors these days. So, the Indian workforce possesses skill sets for the sectors where there is a lack of job opportunities. And sectors that generate excess jobs require particular skill sets that the majority of the Indian workforce lacks. As a result, the Indian economy is unable to absorb excess labour. Source: Indian Express Baba’s Explainer – Hybrid Electric Vehicles (HEV) Hybrid Electric Vehicles (HEV) GS-3: Indian Economy and issues relating to planning, mobilization, of resources, growth, development and employment. GS-3: Infrastructure and Economic Development GS-3: Science and Technology- developments and their applications and effects in everyday life. Context: In recent months, automakers Maruti Suzuki, Toyota and Honda have launched hybrid electric vehicles in India, offering car buyers more choices in the nascent electric vehicle market. Read Complete Details on Hybrid Electric Vehicles (HEV) Daily Practice MCQs Daily Practice MCQs Q.1) Consider the following statements about Space Liability Convention of 1972 The Launching States are liable for the damage caused by their space objects only on the surface of the earth but for the damage in space. The convention also holds the Launching States responsible for the space junk crashing back to earth. Choose the correct statements: 1 only 2 only Both 1 and 2 Neither 1 nor 2 Q.2) Consider the following statements about Electoral bonds Only State Bank of India is authorised to issue and encash these bonds. These bonds are only redeemable in the designated account of a registered political party. The donor’s name is not mentioned on the bond. Choose the correct statements: 1 only 1 and 2 2 and 3 1, 2 and 3 Q.3) Which of the below given pairs is/are correctly matched? Exercise Country VINBAX Vietnam Nomadic Elephant Mongolia AL NAJAH-IV Oman Choose the correct code: 1 only 2 and 3 2 only 1, 2 and 3 Comment the answers to the above questions in the comment section below!! ANSWERS FOR ’1st August 2022 – Daily Practice MCQs’ will be updated along with tomorrow’s Daily Current Affairs. ANSWERS FOR 30th JULY 2022 – Daily Practice MCQs Answers- Daily Practice MCQs Q.1) – b Q.2) – a Q.3) – d table, td, th { border: 1px solid;} table { width: 100%; border-collapse: collapse;}